| Abstract |
This study explores the development of the “V + ge + XP” structure from a diachronic perspective. The findings show that the classifier “ge” could function as a nominal group marker for reference and nominalization. The nominal group marker has two functions: to introduce a bounded event or an unbounded activity. The class of elements that occurs after “V ge” are broadened to include, not only nominals, but also predicates, a fact that I claim to be a result of analogy. The motivation of the analogy is that semantically “ge” can serve as a blank-filling measure word. When we compare “V + ge + XP (degree objects)” with “V + ge + XP (stative complements),” we find that the merging between de and V is closer than that of ge and V. The XP following “de” can be modified by degree words and complements, form A-not-A questions, appear in comparative sentences, and function as metaphorical phrases and stative adjectives “AA de” as well as “ABB de”. In contrast, the XP following “ge” does not have those usages. This contrast is due to the fact that the XP following “ge” is nominal and that the XP following “de” is predicative. The “ge” sentences denote propositions of irrealis events, and the “de” sentences are narrative sentences denoting realis events. If “ge” sentences are used to denote realis events, the aspect marker “le” must be added after the verbs. “Ge” and “de” sentences convey different time references, which respectively result from “being indefinite” and “being acquired.”
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